政治隐喻和文本矛盾：重读《芭巴拉少校》

萧伯纳的代表作《芭巴拉少校》具有高度政治隐喻性质,它暗中回答了19世纪以来马修?阿诺德等文人和学者热衷于探讨的一个重大社会问题：未来的英国由谁来统治？安德谢夫家族企业的继承人问题,本质上是未来英国统治阶级的人选问题。作为工业资产阶级的典型代表,安德谢夫无往而不胜,各个方面取得了成功。然而,令他（萧伯纳）始料未及的是,他所选中的库森斯不可能是一个合格的接班人,因为,历代安德谢夫所秉持的传统足以表明,像库森斯这种中产阶级出身、缺少“狼性”的人文知识分子是无法承担起英国工业资本主义的历史使命的,19世纪末以来的英国工业资本主义发展史已经证明了这一点。就此而言,可以说,萧伯纳在无意中写出了英国资本主义当时暗含的重大危机：工业精神的衰落。     

论巴特勒小说《家族》中的历史书写和政治隐喻

美国科幻小说家奥克塔维娅?巴特勒的《家族》融科学幻想小说、新奴隶叙事与历史书写小说于一炉,以穿越的形式向人们展示了奴隶制的罪恶,引发对美国现实种族关系、两性关系的思考。小说通过新奴隶叙事的形式再现了不可再现之过去,通过科幻小说的形式言说了黑人无法言说之创痛。其历史书写隐喻着美国黑人和白人割不断的历史渊源和共生关系这一美国国族寓言。《家族》表明,黑白血脉相连,其历史经历交织,黑白的许多经历是共同体验的结果。为了避免历史重演,黑人和白人必须在历史记忆和重访过去中了解历史真相,并对美国当下语境下自由的概念和美国黑人乃至美国整个国族的整体命运加以关注与思考。     

Doubling Down: Inequality in Responsiveness and the Policy Preferences of Elected Officials

Is bias in responsiveness to constituents conditional on the policy preferences of elected officials? The scholarly conventional wisdom is that constituency groups who do not receive policy representation still obtain some level of responsiveness by legislators outside of the policy realm. In contrast, we present a theory of preference‐induced responsiveness bias where constituency responsiveness by legislators is associated with legislator policy preferences. Elected officials who favor laws that could disproportionately impact minority groups are also less likely to engage in nonpolicy responsiveness to minority groups. We conducted a field experiment in 28 US legislative chambers. Legislators were randomly assigned to receive messages from Latino and white constituents. If legislators supported voter identification laws, Latino constituents were less likely to receive constituency communications from their legislators. There are significant implications regarding fairness in the democratic process when elected officials fail to represent disadvantaged constituency groups in both policy and nonpolicy realms.     

The role of symbolic politics in exceptional crime policy debate: a study of the 2014 Swedish general election

Symbolic politics are often considered to be closely linked to an alarmist rhetoric, as well as to punitive crime policy initiatives. This article explores the symbolic dimension of the Swedish crime policy debate. Since Sweden is frequently depicted as an antithesis to punitive Anglophone societies, exploring symbolic politics in this setting might expand our understanding of what symbolic statements may consist of. The article analyses the electoral campaign preceding the Swedish general election of 2014, with the aim of identifying which symbolic statements occupy a central position in the debate through the use of a qualitative content analysis. This analysis reveals an ambiguous political rhetoric, comprising morally and emotionally charged condemnatory statements about getting tough on crime, as well as reformist and restrained references to expert knowledge and long-term solutions. On the one hand, these reformist statements strengthen the image of Swedish crime policy as being based on ideals such as rationality and humanity. On the other, they also serve to legitimize and obscure penal expansion.     

犯罪构成模型论

犯罪构成是立法者依据一定的利益需求与价值观念而将生活中之危害行为加以类型化形成的 ,表现为通过刑法规范所确认的认定犯罪之规格、标准或最低度条件———本文称之为模型。它同构成犯罪的事实 (原型 )是不同层面之范畴。注释刑法学应以刑法条文中静态存在的模型意义上的犯罪与刑罚为研究对象。同两大法系的构成体系相比较 ,在现阶段国情下我国几十年所形成的通说体系具有直观、简单、易操作的特点 ,并无重新构造之当务必要。     

亚洲国家宪政发展的道路初探:五大国家的比较研究

作为亚洲五国的中国、印度、南北韩(韩国和朝鲜)、日本与印度尼西亚宪政发展道路各有不同。究竟源于西方社会的宪政模式是否在其发源地以外也具有普遍适用性?亚洲又是否存在特殊的宪政模式或政治体制?如果我们从宏观历史与比较研究的角度审视这五国自十九世纪末直到今天的发展,便可发现,在现代和当代时期,宪政主义在亚洲还是产生了深远的影响。但是,亚洲似乎没有产生特殊的"亚洲式"的宪政模式或政治体制,也没有足够证据显示亚洲的文化与价值观念与宪政主义难以相容。恰恰相反,宪政主义能否在某一国家或地区得以实施,似乎更多地取决于政治因素,以及战争、外国干预等具偶然性的历史事件的影响,而不是主要取决于文化与价值观念。     

论洛克有限政府思想及其宪政价值

洛克作为近代宪政民主政治思想重要的奠基人之一,凭借《政府论》上、下两篇的论述,在批判"君权神授"的基础上,对"有限政府"思想进行了较为全面的阐释。尤以《政府论》下篇为代表,对后世宪政的发展产生了莫大的影响。可以说在洛克相关理论的影响下,才有了今日限制政治权力、保障公民权利的现代宪政理论。本文通过对洛克有限政府思想进行溯源剖析,分析其中所蕴含的宪政价值。     

清末君主立宪话语中的帝制问题

君主立宪改革是清廷再造儒家思想的一次尝试,也是清廷翻新帝制传统的最后努力。在立宪求富强的语境下,清廷希望新宪法能实现政治的转型、统治权的合理化、新的规训秩序和国家的统一与强盛。1908年的《宪法大纲》甚至出现了将皇位变成一个公共职位的趋势。同时,这部宪法也致力于创建新的官僚制度、将全体人民"民族化"、"公民化"以及实现皇权功能的法律化。